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Cento Vergilianus de laudibus Christi - Wikipedia

De laudibus legum Angliæ. The Latin text has separate paging (iv, 48) and special title page: Fortescue De Selden's preface to the reader dated Sept. Vale." The first English translation was made by Robert Mulcaster, who printed it with the Latin text in Elizabeth's reign, in i6mo, without date, and again in SirJohn Fortescue, De Laudibus Legum Angliae. Latin text, with Translation, Introduction and Notes by S. B. Chrimes, M.A., Ph.D., Lecturer in.

Terkait masalah-masalah keuangan, Proba menafsirkan ulang sejumlah peristiwa Perjanjian Baru dimana Yesus meminta para pengikutnya untuk menjauhi kekayaan dengan pasal-pasal yang meminta agar umat Kristen harus berbagi kekayaan dengan para keluarga mereka. Perubahan-perubahan tersebut mengilustrasikan konteks sejarah Proba, posisi sosio-ekonominya dan ekspektasi kelasnya.

Green berpendapat bahwa karya tersebut adalah sebuah reaksi terhadap hukum kaisar Romawi Yulianus yang melarang umat Kristen mengajar sastra mitologi Latin dan Yunani klasik yang mereka yakini tak benar. Mereka menyatakan bahwa hipotesis tersebut berintrik namun tak terverifikasi karena kurangnya informasi tentang Proba, tangga pembuatan cento tersebut, dan tujuan-tujuannya.

Karya tersebut banyak dipakai di sekolah-sekolah bersama dengan De Doctrina Christiana karya Agustinus dari Hippodan karya Proba seringkali melampaui ketenaran Agustinus. Pada akhir abad ke-4 dan awal abad ke-5, karya tersebut meraih tanggapan campuran. Beberapa cendekiawan menyaakan bahwa teolog, sejarawan, dan penerjemah Hieronimus merupakan kritikus dari karya tersebut; dalam surat yang ditulis dari Bethlehem kepada Paulinus dari Nola terkait cento-cento Virgilian, [61] ia bersikeras menentang pengikutan sebuah "kotak puji-pujian lama" garrula anus dan orang-orang yang berpikir seruan "Maro Tak Ber-Kristus [seperti Virgil] seorang Kristen" non … Maronem sine Christo possimus dicere Christianum.

Dalam sebuah surat tahun kepada Anna von Schweidnitz istri Kaisar Romawi Suci Charles IVpenyair dan cendekiawan Italia Petrarch menyebut Proba dan karyanya saat mendiskusikan kejeniusan perempuan, [74] [75] dan padahumanis Giovanni Boccaccio mencantumkan Proba dalam koleksi biografi wanita sejarah dan mitologi buatannya berjudul De mulieribus claris.

Lejay dari The Catholic Encyclopedia menulis bahwat "aksi dari puisi tersebut berseberangan dan tak setara, perilakunya rancu, [dan] diksinya samar atau tak benar".

Catalog Record: De laudibus legum Angliæ. | Hathi Trust Digital Library

Puisi tersebut secara tradisional dikaitkan dengan Faltonia Betitia Proba sebagian besar berdasarkan pada pernyataan Isidorus, yang menulis dalam Etymologiae buatannya bahwa De laudibus Christi adalah sebuah produksi dari seorang wanita bernama Proba yang merupakan istri dari seorang pria bernama Adelfus Proba, uxor Adelphi, centonem ex Vergilio … expressit.

Contohnya, Shanzer menekankan bahwa baris 13—17 dari De laudibus Christi sangat mirip dengan baris 20—24 dari puisi Carmen contra paganos, yang ditulis beberapa waktu setelah kematian Faltonia Betitia Proba. Pada akhirnya, Shanzer berpendapat bahwa rujukan perang antara Magnentius dan Constantius dalam prakata karya tersebut menimbulkan dugaan bahwa Faltonia Betitia Proba mengaransemen De laudibus Christi, namun faktanya bahwa perang tersebut terjadi pada tahun yang sama dengan kematian mendadaknya.

Shanzer memajukan hipotesisnya disertai dengan argumen tekstual, yang menyatakan bahwa pengarang De laudibus Christi seringkali merujuk dalam manuskrip-manuskrip berikutnya yang hanya dapat diraih Anicia Proba, seperti "ibu bangsa Anicia" atau "Gundik Romawi menonjol".

  • Request:Laudibus in Sanctis (William Byrd)

Conversely, the Latinist Stratis Kyriakidis argues that despite Mary's presence in the poem, she lacks feminine attributes, and is thus "impersonal". Cullhed writes that the most scholarly views of Mary in the poem are inadequate, and that Proba made Mary "the twofold fulfillment and antitype of both Eve and Dido.

Catalog Record: De laudibus legum Angliæ. | Hathi Trust Digital Library

According to Cullhed, the "negative characterization" of the original verse and its reuse in the Old Testament portion of the cento is transformed into a "positively charged ability" allowing Mary and Jesus to escape Herod's wrath. According to the classicist Bernice Kaczynski, "Scholars have seen traces of Proba's own character in her emphasis on the beauty of the natural world, readily apparent in her account of the creation.

In regards to issues of finance, Proba reinterprets a number of the New Testament episodes in which Jesus urges his followers to eschew wealth as passages suggesting that Christians should simply share wealth with their families.

These changes illustrate Proba's historical context, her socio-economic position, and the expectations of her class. Green argues that the work was a reaction to the Roman emperor Julian 's law forbidding Christians from teaching literature that they did not believe to be true which is to say, classical Greek and Latin mythology. They conclude that the hypothesis is intriguing but unverifiable due to the lack of information about Proba, the date of the cento's creation, and her intentions.

It was evidently very popular in schools, and often used alongside Augustine of Hippo 's De doctrina Christiana ; in some instances, Proba's work even eclipsed Augustine's in popularity.

Request:Laudibus in Sanctis (William Byrd) - ChoralWiki

In the late-4th and early-5th centuries, the work began to receive a more mixed response. Many scholars hold that the Church Father Jerome was a critic of the work; in a letter written from Bethlehem to Paulinus of Nola castigating Virgilian centos, [66] he warned against following an "old chatterbox" garrula anus and those who think of calling "the Christless Maro [i. Virgil] a Christian" non Maronem sine Christo possimus dicere Christianum.

In a letter to Anna von Schweidnitz the wife of the Holy Roman Emperor Charles IVthe Italian poet and scholar Petrarch referenced Proba and her work while discussing female geniuses, [79] [80] and in the humanist Giovanni Boccaccio included Proba in his biographical collection of historical and mythological women entitled De mulieribus claris.

Lejay of The Catholic Encyclopedia wrote that "the action of the poem is constrained and unequal, the manner absurd, [and] the diction frequently either obscure or improper". The poem is traditionally attributed to Faltonia Betitia Proba largely on the assertion of Isidore, who wrote in his Etymologiae that De laudibus Christi was the product of a woman named Proba who was the wife of a man named Adelphus Proba, uxor Adelphi, centonem ex Vergilio For instance, Shanzer points out that lines 13—17 of De laudibus Christi strongly resemble lines 20—24 of the poem Carmen contra paganos, which was written sometime after Faltonia Betitia Proba's death.